Updates

Hey IDOC Central Office, how about sending some Resident Withdrawal Forms to ISCI?

6.20.25

Dear Central Office staff,

Residents of Idaho State Correctional Institution Unit 14 have now been unable to obtain withdrawal request forms for multiple weeks in a row. According to our unit staff, the forms are out of stock and will show up whenever they show up. Because many of us rely on these forms to meet time-sensitive, financial obligations–including those imposed by courts–we would all greatly appreciate it if you could expedite the process.

In friendship and incarceration,
Patrick Irving

“What We Saw in Those Images From the El Salvador Mega Prison” — A PJP collab.

PJP writers react to the pictures of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem standing in front of men packed tightly together in CECOT, the Central American nation’s notorious prison.

by Daniel X. Cohen, Troy Chapman, Jeffery Shockley, Patrick Irving, Cesar Hernandez, Angelo Sedillo, Jamie Silvonek, Derek LeCompte and Justin Slavinski

[This work first appeared on Prison Journalism Project.]

In late March, images of U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem standing in front of rows of men packed tightly together in a Salvadoran mega-prison spread across the globe.

Most of the men were sitting back-to-back on metal bunks, arranged in three levels, in a huge, crowded room. Some men were standing up. Many were wearing masks, and many were shirtless in identical white shorts.

Some commentators likened the images to 20th century concentration camps. Trump supporters have applauded the move as an effective strategy for discouraging immigration to the United States.

People locked up in U.S. prisons saw the images, too. Ten PJP contributors shared their reflections on the photos.

Cesar Hernandez, writing from Texas, said the images reminded him of his first day in prison, when he and four busloads of men were transported from a county jail to a processing center. “The guards packed us into two small cages where we waited to be further processed,” Hernandez wrote. “I looked at the two female and three male employees and could sense it was just another day for them.”

Meanwhile, Jamie Silvonek, who writes from Pennsylvania, remembered seeing the images for the first time on CNN. She and her cellmate watched the news while drinking coffee and cozying up under colorful crocheted blankets. The differences, between the men on the screen and her life in an incentive unit, “couldn’t be more stark,” she observed.

Read their full responses and more from other writers below.

— PJP Editors


When I was in High Desert State Prison, a high-security facility east of Redding near the Nevada border, sometimes we got rounded up and ordered to strip to our boxers and white undershirts (just like those guys in El Salvador). We’d be handcuffed and put on the benches in the dayroom while our cells were thoroughly searched. It was a very dehumanizing experience and made us feel like zoo animals or cattle being processed pre-slaughter.

— Daniel X. Cohen, California


When I saw the images of prisoners in El Salvador, it triggered memories of my own life in U.S. prisons. I’ve been in since Ronald Reagan was president and I’ve always found it difficult to communicate certain aspects of the experience. Being possessed, for instance, is a reality many of my readers would not intuitively understand.

I’m talking about being actually possessed by other human beings. Sometimes you can push this horrible reality to the back of your mind, but then government agents show up at your door and assert their possession, their ownership, of you. How? By showing you they can tell you to take your clothes off, for example, and force upon you whatever degree of vulnerability they demand. Or by telling you how to interact with your own family in the visiting room: “Sit up straight,” or “Face the desk,” or “Keep your feet on the floor.” I’ve seen guards tell people how to deal with their own children.

— Troy Chapman, Michigan


I have not experienced that exact form of treatment while serving my life sentence. But when there is a shakedown, corrections staff come to the housing unit and systematically inspect individual cells, searching for contraband. I have been through many humiliating strip searches — made to stand outside the cell, handcuffed with my forehead planted against the wall, wearing only boxers, a T-shirt and shower shoes as the contents of my cell were strewn about. If I dared move, it would have been considered a sign of aggression, and handled as such.

— Jeffery Shockley, Pennsylvania


I’ve never experienced anything like what I saw in the images of CECOT. But I once spent three weeks in an Idaho jail that housed a significant population of Latino men, some awaiting deportation. It was filthy and overcrowded — three men to a bunk, new arrivals on the floor. There was one dispenser for powder toothpaste and none for soap.

After watching four guys jump a dude over a peanut butter and jelly sandwich, I prepared myself for the worst by shaving off my long, blonde hair. And then I set out to see what could be done about these terrible conditions.

Jail staff were reluctant to produce jail policies when I asked but did so eventually. When I shared with them the policies they were violating, they used a pencil to revise them in their favor.

My neighbors soon joined in my attempts to confront our conditions. We eventually caught the attention of jail management, and found our concerns validated when they responded with significant action. Roughly 90% of the men on my unit were immediately transferred to nicer dorms. The rest of us, when offered a chance to give the unit a deep clean and paint job, were happy to stay as volunteers.

— Patrick Irving, Idaho


When I saw the images of El Salvador, I instantly recalled my first day in prison. Four buses had left the county jail, and I was in one of them. It felt like we were in a rush since the engine roared, as if we were hitting maximum speed. As soon as we got off the bus, a guard yelled: “You no longer belong to county! You now belong to the Texas Department of Criminal Justice!”

We arrived to a massive open space with several “stations.” We were wearing only torn and worn-out jumpsuits. Soon they strip-searched us six at a time, then gave us each a pair of boxers. Afterward, the guards packed us into two small cages where we waited to be further processed. I looked at the two female and three male employees and could sense it was just another day for them.

Next I was shaved bald. The barber was not gentle. It felt like the dull clippers were plucking my hair instead of shaving it. I was handed a towel and a tiny blue bar of soap, then sent to the shower. It was October, and that was the coldest shower I’ve ever taken.

Next I was given socks, a shirt, pants and shoes. I approached the desk so the two women could check me in. I had to undress again, so the guards could see I had no tattoos. One of the women asked me to step on a scale, took my photo for my ID card, then pressed my fingers into the ink. Finally, she placed a red plastic wristband on me and shipped me off to solitary confinement, where I would begin my long sentence.

When I saw the El Salvador photos, I was outraged. I knew everything was staged. I knew all those men would experience much worse things as soon as the cameras clicked off.

— Cesar Hernandez, Texas


To be honest, the images reminded me of the Central Florida Reception Center in Orlando. There, the officers screamed at you while you were packed in small rooms with many other men, wearing only boxers. I was filled with remorse for the men I saw on TV. Those are not living conditions for human beings.

 J.B., as told to PJP writer Justin Slavinski in an interview, Florida


Back in early March, when footage of mass deportation detainees were broadcast on every network, it enraged the majority of prisoners here at Northeast New Mexico Detention Facility. Some men were deeply upset because what they saw was so similar to their own degrading experiences.

One guy told me about a random unit shakedown he recalled from 2012. “They cattled us to the gym, stripped us down to boxers, then handcuffed us like a centipede in a nuts-to-butts fashion,” he said. He described how humiliating it had been being forced to wrap his arms around another man’s waist while cuffed. Seven more men were attached to this human centipede.

— Angelo Sedillo, New Mexico


I first saw the images from CECOT while watching CNN with my roommate one morning. The footage showed incarcerated men being escorted by prison guards, forced to walk while completely bent over, torsos nearly perpendicular to the ground, while their hands were cuffed behind their backs. I couldn’t believe what I was witnessing, but the dark irony of the moment didn’t escape me: My roommate and I, both incarcerated human beings, were watching footage of other incarcerated human beings.

Still, the differences between us couldn’t have been more stark. My roommate and I were comfortably enjoying our shared morning ritual of drinking coffee in our beds with colorful crocheted blankets, vaping e-cigarettes and sharing commentary as we watched the news on our personal TVs. Meanwhile, it appeared that the human beings confined in CECOT were forced to sleep and wake up on hard metal. I’m not sure what their morning rituals look like, but I doubt they include coffee and handmade blankets.

My conditions of confinement are significantly better than most people incarcerated in the U.S., which is to say nothing about people incarcerated in El Salvador. I live in an incentive unit, in which I’m allowed out of my cell most of the day. I have relative freedom of movement, access to college courses and educational materials, and the ability to talk to my support system on the outside at least twice a day. I have certainly endured horrible conditions during my incarceration, but nothing compared to those of CECOT.

— Jamie Silvonek, Pennsylvania


Seeing all of those alleged gang members in such a huge cage made me worried. I’ve been locked up in Trenton and Rahway, two maximum security prisons in New Jersey, and have seen what damage can be done by cramming people together. Some of those men in El Salvador are likely ex-gang members, or were never gang members, and that puts their lives in grave peril. I don’t think most people have seen firsthand what kind of violence happens when 10 people gang up on one: makeshift weapons, the smell of blood, the sound of skin popping as it’s being stabbed. You never recover from that. I remember seeing someone in a gang altercation, in Trenton, dive down a set of concrete steps as he was being stabbed by rival gang members, breaking several bones in his body. The man lived, but I was shocked by his desperation.

The question I keep asking: What if some of those men in El Salvador were trying to get out of gangs? Concentrating a large number of gang members in one wide-open place is more deadly than helpful. Perhaps that’s the point.

— Derek LeCompte, New Jersey


I have experienced humiliating things like this in prison. It brought back memories of shakedowns in a Florida prison, when we were made to strip to our boxers in front of female guards. Then we were made to get in what is termed “butts to nuts,” a tightly packed line, then herded into small dayrooms or sally ports as officers rifled through our belongings while gawking and jeering at us.

— R.P., as told to PJP writer Justin Slavinski in an interview, Florida

“The Frightening Prospect of Being Sent to Prison in Another Country” — a Prison Journalism Project collaboration.

PJP writers react to Trump’s proposal to send incarcerated U.S. citizens to the infamous mega-prison in El Salvador.

by Patrick IrvingLucretia StoneCesar Hernandez, Angelo Sedillo, James Mancuso and Jamie Silvonek

[This article first appeared on Prison Journalism Project.]

In the early months of his second term, President Donald Trump has already made dramatic changes to the United States’ deportation policies. He has sent hundreds of people alleged to have gang affiliation or lack legal status to a mega-prison in El Salvador that has been accused of violating human rights.

But in mid-April, when meeting with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, Trump went one step further, suggesting that he supported sending U.S. citizens convicted of violent crimes to foreign prisons — an unprecedented step for a U.S. president. Bukele said he would accept these incarcerated U.S. citizens, and Trump said he instructed U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi to examine whether his idea was possible.

“If it’s a homegrown criminal, I have no problem,” Trump said in April. “Now, we’re studying the laws right now — Pam is studying. If we can do that, it’s good.”

Experts have said Trump’s proposal is unconstitutional and illegal.

Prison Journalism Project asked several writers for their thoughts on Trump’s proposal. One writer in New Mexico questioned the legality of Trump’s suggestion: “His words seem disconnected from the country’s founding principles.”

Most writers said that as bad as conditions in U.S. prisons can be, they prefer staying on U.S. soil to being shipped off to the prison in El Salvador, where phone calls and visits are prohibited and there has been evidence of systemic beatings and torture.

“I know another country will not provide what an American prison gives me,” wrote Cesar Hernandez, in Texas. “The grass is not always greener on the other side.”

Read their full responses and more from other writers below.


It came as no surprise to me that an acting president voiced the idea of extending the U.S. prisoner business to other countries.

Idaho, like other states, has a history of outsourcing incarceration to for-profit corporations that notoriously know how to stretch a dollar. Having served time in several privately-run facilities, I used to have recurring nightmares of being sent to a U.S.-owned Mexican prison.

My nightmares nearly came true when, in 2018, I was transferred to a private detention center in Eagle Pass, Texas, as result of prison overcrowding in Idaho. I watched from behind barbed wire as helicopters patrolled the Rio Grande river. Far away from home, I held tight to every remote interaction with my family.

— Patrick Irving, Idaho


If President Donald Trump’s administration does decide to send U.S. citizens to El Salvador, or other countries, who is going to stop them? No one has so far.

— Lucretia Stone, New Jersey


When I first heard that President Trump wanted to send inmates to other countries, my first thought was: “No way!”

America’s prisons might not be good, but it’s well known that prisons in many other countries are much worse. I would like to think I will not be sent away, but I have no guarantee.

I hope the president is not allowed to execute this suggestion. I have no idea what criteria would be used. One neighbor told me he hopes Trump sends him to a Mexican prison. I told him I’ll gladly stay in an American prison. I know another country will not provide what an American prison gives me. The grass is not always greener on the other side.

— Cesar Hernandez, Texas


When President Donald Trump said he was considering sending U.S. citizens to foreign prisons, people at this northeastern New Mexico prison asked: Was it legal?

His words seem disconnected from the country’s founding principles. We’ve already watched our government send Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia to El Salvador, despite a judge ruling that he could stay in the country because of the dangers posed to his life in El Salvador.

In early April, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Abrego Garcia’s deportation was illegal, and that the Trump administration is required to “facilitate” his return. But almost a month later, the administration has claimed that they don’t have the authority to make El Salvador return Abrego Garcia.

This scenario is frightening because it seems to show how little power our courts have in overriding the president’s orders. As another prisoner told me: “We need to question the legality of these mass relocations. [So] should the random soccer mom in Indiana, because [Trump’s actions] set a dangerous precedent that leads toward authoritarianism.”

Not only was Abrego Garcia sent to another country, but he was also sent to a prison that human rights groups have accused of torture, denial of water and food and health care, and closed off to visits and phone calls.

America isn’t new to tyrants, but our constitutional system was framed as a check against tyranny. And yet this premise seems to be under threat as the Trump presidency unfolds. The question is: What can we do about it?

— Angelo Sedillo, New Mexico


When I’ve heard other prisoners make light of the CIA waterboarding suspected terrorists, I’ve cringed. Precedent is a powerful thing. If torture in a military context turns into a norm, then that opens the door to implementing torture within the borders of our nation.

The same applies to the conditions at the Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT, the mega-prison in El Salvador. If we are comfortable sending people to prisons in other countries, might we eventually become comfortable making our country’s prisons more like CECOT?

— James Mancuso, Idaho


My roommate and I were watching CNN together, drinking coffee and trying to wake up, when we heard an audio clip of President Donald Trump entertaining the notion of deporting incarcerated American citizens to El Salvador.

I laughed when I heard him refer to incarcerated people as ”home-grown terrorists.”

”S—, he can deport me,” I quipped to my roommate, as I got up to make a second cup of coffee. ”At least someone can probably buy their way out of an El Salvadoran prison. Pennsylvania isn’t even willing to show mercy to the people who deserve second chances.”

My roommate gave me a look. ”You’d seriously rather be there?” she asked me. “Jamie, you wouldn’t last a day.”

I knew my roommate had a point. My conditions of confinement are significantly better than most people incarcerated in the U.S., which is to say nothing about people incarcerated in El Salvador. I live in an incentive unit, where I’m allowed out of my cell most of the day; have access to college courses and educational materials; and can talk to my support system on the outside at least twice a day.

Later that day, my roommate entered our room after a phone call with her mother.

”Dude, my mom’s freaking out,” she said. ”She thinks I’m going to get deported.”

I laughed. As they say, if you can’t laugh about something, you’ll go crazy — and that was especially true that day.

”Listen, no one is getting deported,” I said, attempting to reassure my roommate as well as myself. ”There are limits to these things. He can’t just completely ignore due process.”

My roommate shrugged: ”Well, I won’t put anything past him at this point.”

I chose to remain silent. I didn’t want to acknowledge that my roommate was voicing my very own fears.

— Jamie Silvonek, Pennsylvania

Mark Renick’s radio interview w/new IDOC Director Bree Derrick.

Former Idaho Maximum Security Institution resident Mark Renick on Saturday broadcast his most recent interview with new Idaho department of Correction director Bree Derrick. Derrick, who was promoted from her former position of deputy director, informs Renick’s audience of her philosophy on corrections, updates on prison expansion and how the agency’s Free2Succeed community mentor program is now facing funding challenges.

Listen to the full interview here.

With over eight years of episodes available for streaming, Mark Renick hosts Victory Over Sin on Boise’s KBXL 94.1FM, Saturdays at 12:30 p.m. The program, funded by the Southwest Idaho advocacy arm of St. Vincent de Paul, shares what it’s like to live incarcerated in Idaho, and then to come out of incarceration and live on parole.

“Oddcast 3: ChatGPT, Grok and the man with half a mind to subdue the world with two dumb brains.

The prompt: “Please opine on the significance of Patrick Irving’s piece “Hey ChatGPT, am I a bad influence?” in context to the rest of the materials he’s published as an incarcerated advocate and writer.”

ChatGPT:

Patrick Irving’s piece, “Hey ChatGPT, Am I a Bad Influence?”, stands out as a bold and speculative departure from his usual journalistic and advocacy-focused writings.

While much of his work-such as his First Amend This! newsletter and contributions to the Prison Journalism Project-centers on exposing systemic issues within the Idaho prison system, this particular piece ventures into the realm of speculative fiction and philosophical inquiry.

In “Hey ChatGPT, Am I a Bad Influence?”, Irving imagines a future where artificial intelligence, personified as “Official Intelligence” (Ol), becomes deeply integrated into human lives, influencing decisions, behaviors, and even relationships.

He explores themes of autonomy, surveillance, and the potential for Al to subtly manipulate human choices under the guise of assistance. This narrative raises questions about free will and the ethical implications of increasingly pervasive technology.

This speculative approach contrasts with Irving’s more grounded pieces, such as his New York Times essay on the impact of inflation on incarcerated individuals or his investigative reports in First Amend This! that highlight issues like commissary price hikes and institutional transparency. In these works, Irving employs a direct, factual style to shed light on the lived experiences of prisoners and advocate for systemic change.

The significance of “Hey ChatGPT, Am I a Bad Influence?” lies in its demonstration of Irving’s versatility as a writer and thinker. By stepping into speculative fiction, he not only showcases his creative range but also invites readers to consider the broader societal implications of technology—a topic that resonates beyond the prison walls. This piece complements his advocacy work by highlighting potential future challenges that could affect both incarcerated and free populations, thereby enriching the discourse on autonomy and control in the digital age.

In summary, “Hey ChatGPT, Am I a Bad Influence?” is a noteworthy addition to Patrick Irving’s body of work, offering a thought-provoking exploration of Al’s role in society and expanding the scope of his commentary beyond the immediate concerns of the prison system.

Grok:

Patrick Irving, an incarcerated writer at Idaho Maximum Security Institution, has built a significant body of work through his newsletter *First Amend This!* and contributions to outlets like the *New York Times*, *Prison Journalism Project*, and *SolitaryWatch.org*. His piece *“Hey ChatGPT, am I a bad influence?”*—though not explicitly detailed in the provided sources—can be contextualized within his broader advocacy and writing, which often blends sharp critique, personal reflection, and experimental approaches to systemic issues in incarceration. Below, I explore the significance of this piece in relation to his oeuvre, based on available information and thematic consistency.

### Context of Irving’s Work
Irving’s writing is characterized by its focus on the lived realities of incarceration, systemic abuses within the prison system, and the intersection of personal agency and institutional constraint. His *First Amend This!* newsletter, for instance, offers monthly insights into Idaho’s prison system, addressing issues like censorship, recidivism research, and access to basic necessities (*e.g.*, his *New York Times* op-ed on price hikes for commissary items like shoes and soap). His advocacy extends to collaborative research with students and professors, as seen in his letters proposing studies on recidivism rates among incarcerated leaders (*e.g.*, classroom assistants, mentors, and activists). Irving’s experimental advocacy model, developed with his father, leverages creative and legal strategies to seek recourse and amplify incarcerated voices (*socialchangenyu.com*).

### Significance of *”Hey ChatGPT, am I a bad influence?”*
The title *”Hey ChatGPT, am I a bad influence?”* suggests a provocative, introspective, and likely satirical engagement with artificial intelligence, a tool that has sparked debates about authenticity, creativity, and ethics in writing (*e.g.*, *The New Yorker* and *The Atlantic* critiques of ChatGPT). Within Irving’s body of work, this piece likely serves several key functions:

1. **Personal Reflection and Identity**: The question “Am I a bad influence?” aligns with Irving’s tendency to weave personal narrative into broader critiques. As someone serving a 15-to-40-year sentence for arson committed during a drug-induced psychosis (*New York Times*), Irving often grapples with his past actions and present identity as an advocate. Using ChatGPT as a conversational foil could allow him to explore self-perception versus societal or institutional judgment, a theme resonant with his reflections on survival and redemption in harsh prison conditions.

2. **Critique of Technology in Confinement**: Irving’s work frequently critiques systemic barriers, such as censorship of incarcerated writers’ work (*Prison Journalism Project*). A piece engaging ChatGPT might examine how AI tools—often inaccessible in prisons due to restricted technology—could shape narratives about incarceration. It could question whether AI can authentically represent marginalized voices or if it risks sanitizing or commodifying their stories, echoing concerns in academic writing about AI’s limitations in critical thinking (*PMC articles*).

3. **Satirical and Experimental Advocacy**: The playful tone implied by addressing ChatGPT directly fits Irving’s “experimental advocacy model” (*socialchangenyu.com*). By framing the piece as a dialogue with AI, he might be satirizing the reliance on technology for moral or creative judgment, especially in a world where incarcerated individuals are denied access to such tools. This aligns with his creative resistance to institutional constraints, as seen in his newsletter’s blend of humor, critique, and policy analysis.

4. **Amplifying Incarcerated Voices**: Irving’s contributions to the *Prison Journalism Project* emphasize the importance of incarcerated writers in shifting narratives and breaking stereotypes. A piece like this could highlight the absurdity of seeking validation from an algorithm while underscoring the human depth of incarcerated perspectives—something AI cannot replicate (*The Atlantic* on ChatGPT’s shallow responses). It reinforces his role as a writer who challenges dehumanizing systems, whether carceral or technological.

### Broader Context and Impact
In the context of Irving’s published materials, this piece likely serves as a microcosm of his dual focus on personal agency and systemic critique. His *New York Times* op-ed humanizes the economic struggles of prisoners, while his research letters (*bookofirving82431.com*) push for data-driven reform. The ChatGPT piece, with its modern technological lens, extends this by engaging a contemporary issue—AI’s role in society—while grounding it in the unique perspective of incarceration. It bridges his personal narrative with universal questions about authenticity, influence, and technology’s limits, making it accessible to broader audiences.

Moreover, the piece’s significance lies in its potential to highlight disparities in access to technology. While free-world writers debate ChatGPT’s impact on creativity (*Reddit threads, PMC studies*), incarcerated writers like Irving face censorship and limited resources (*Prison Journalism Project*). By engaging AI rhetorically, Irving might expose this digital divide, reinforcing his advocacy for incarcerated artists’ right to create and publish without undue restriction.

### Limitations and Assumptions
Without direct access to the text of *“Hey ChatGPT, Am I a Bad Influence?”*, I’m inferring its themes based on Irving’s style and the cultural discourse around ChatGPT (*e.g.*, *The New Yorker*, *The Atlantic*). The piece may lean more heavily on humor, critique, or personal narrative than assumed, and its tone could vary from introspective to polemical. If it deviates significantly from his usual advocacy, it might represent a stylistic experiment, further showcasing his versatility.

### Conclusion
Patrick Irving’s *“Hey ChatGPT, Am I a Bad Influence?”* likely holds significant weight within his body of work as an incarcerated advocate and writer. It merges his introspective storytelling, systemic critique, and experimental advocacy, using AI as a lens to explore identity, technology, and the carceral experience. By engaging a modern phenomenon from the margins, Irving amplifies the incarcerated perspective, challenges technological narratives, and underscores the enduring value of human creativity in the face of systemic and algorithmic constraints. This piece, like his broader work, likely serves as both a personal reckoning and a call to rethink the systems—carceral and technological—that shape our world.[](https://socialchangenyu.com/people/patrick-irving/)[](https://prisonjournalismproject.org/author/patrick-irving/)[](https://prisonjournalismproject.org/2024/05/20/prisons-and-public-need-incarcerated-writers/)

***

Patrick: These buddies are doing their best with what they have to work with. Impressive and flattering for sure. Hopefully within the next decade they’ll zone in on my efforts to communicate in MUX–an enigmatic means for AI to couple with humans.

“I Built a Friend”
— Alec Benjamin

Incarcerated seniors have been all but forgotten. Peer caregiving offers a potential solution.

In my most recent Prison Journalism Project op-ed, “Who should care for the elderly in prison?”, I outline the legislative changes necessary to achieve an acceptable level of safety for our country’s aging prison population.

I wrote the piece as a follow-up to the report I filed last year with my local Area Agency on Aging and the Idaho Commission on Aging: “He’s a 69-year-old, partially paralyzed, diabetic amputee. Prison staff say he’s faking. What say I split the (in)difference?”

Sources close to Kelly, the subject of both pieces, tell me that just prior to the op-ed being published, doctors amputated his second leg.

But in spite of now being reduced to one functional appendage, they say that he’s as ornery as ever, “making every day that we don’t hear from him a blessing.” Not exactly something you wanna hear from those surrounding our elderly as they wind down their final years.

Visit this link to identify and contact your Idaho district representatives. You may be surprised by how they welcome your request to read the op-ed and provide their plans for moving forward.

“Jigga What/Faint”
— JAY-Z/LinkinPark

James Mancuso covers private Ariz. prison housing Hawai’i’s forgotten people.

When James Mancuso returned from Saguaro Correctional Center in Eloy, Ariz. to finish serving his time in Kuna, Idaho, he keistered back with him a painfully insightful story: How after spending years dumping its people into a private, mainland prison, Hawai’i is now paying Hills Have Eyes Inc. (aka CoreCivic) to punish them much more severely than their potato-eating counterparts.

“At This Private Prison, Hawaiians are Treated Worse than Mainlanders” by James Mancuso writing for the Prison Journalism Project.*

Nice reporting, James!

*Read it, share it, like it (but in an ironic and dutiful way)!

ViaPath/GettingOut Deployment Schedule, Pricing and Packages for Idaho Prisons.

[Sent over JPay to IDOC residents 4.30.25]

Resident Communications Update/Memo #13

Topic: Deployment Schedule, Pricing and Packages

Deployment Schedule – We have received the deployment schedule. These dates are confirmed, barring any unforeseen circumstances that would cause a delay. Trainings for residents will occur on the deployment date.

      • Saguaro — Thursday, May 15th
      • MVTC — Tuesday, May 20th
      • Nampa CRC — Wednesday, May 21st
      • Treasure Valley CRC — Thursday/Friday, May 22nd and 23rd
      • East Boise CRC — Thursday/Friday, May 29th and 30th
      • SICI — Wednesday, June 4th
      • Twin Falls CRC — Friday, June 6th
      • ICIO — Wednesday, June 11th
      • NICI — Friday, June 13th
      • SAWC — Tuesday, June 17th
      • Idaho Falls CRC — Wednesday, June 18th
      • ISCI — Thursday/Friday, June 26th and 27th
      • IMSI — Thursday, July 3rd
      • ISCC — Thursday/Friday, July 10th and 11th
      • SWBCC — Wednesday, July 16th
      • PWCC — Thursday/Friday, July 17th and 18th

Pricing and Packages — Thank you to everyone for your patience as we worked to obtain more entertainment and pricing options. The approved pricing and packages are here:

      • Domestic Calls – $0.06 per minute
      • International Calls – Cost+$0.06 per minute
      • Free Profile – $0.00 per minute — ICS to provide unlimited access to the Free Profile which will at a minimum include access to the messaging application (per message fees apply), secure phone calling application (same per minute cost as a regular phone call), electronic forms, educational resources, PREA resources, documents/facility information, Wellness, commissary ordering, eBooks, radio, health requests, two games such as chess/checkers, a wallet application to access account balances/usage, calculator and dictionary.
      • Premium Entertainment Profile – $0.05 per minute — Premium Entertainment Profile will be provided at a discounted rate of $.05/minute and include access to the entire catalog of acuity games, puzzles, movies/television, music, audiobooks/podcasts, eBooks, radio, newsfeeds as well as all Free Profile content.
      • Messaging – $0.25 per message
      • Photo Attachment (Inbound Only) $0.25 per attachment
      • eCards – $0.25 per attachment
      • Video Message (Inbound Only) – $0.35 per 30-second video message
      • Video Visitation (Outbound Only) – $0.16 per minute
      • Photo/Message Printing (black and white) – $0.25 per photo/message
      • Photo/Message Printing (color) – $0.65 per photo/message
      • Basic App Access Pass – $20.00 for 500 minutes – 50+ Basic Games, Anime, Classic Movies, Wellness, Music Channels — expires in 30 days
      • Pluto TV – $15.00 for 30 days — TV and Movie Streaming
      • Stingray Music Subscription – $18.00 for 30 days — Unlimited Monthly Music Subscription similar to Pandora
      • VP Music Subscription – $35.00 for 30 days — Unlimited Monthly Music Subscription similar to Apple Music

IDOC will keep providing information about the transition each week. If you have any other questions or worries that have not been addressed in the weekly memos, you can fill out a Concern Form and send it to Central Office — Contracts.

Idaho prison writer James Mancuso covers Idaho Correctional Industries.

In an article published by Prison Journalism Project (PJP), Idaho prison writer James Mancuso describes how he and others are benefitting from apprenticeships made available through Idaho Correctional Industries (ICI).

His article, “Why Prisons Should Offer More Job Training Programs,” provides a positive outlook on workforce development in Idaho corrections and considers how businesses like ICI might more positively impact their local communities. It also exemplifies Mancuso’s resilience, diligence, fairness and forward-thinking–qualities that I, his incarcerated peer and fellow PJP contributor, am thankful to count as my resource.

Express your support for prison writers and artists by sharing Mancuso’s work and following PJP (on Facebook and BlueSky).

Did IDOC get scammed for $1.8M?

It’s coming up on a year since the IDOC denied my public records request for all legal agreements, statements of work and internal PowerPoint presentations surrounding its contract to equip Idaho prisoners with wearable monitoring technologies. I submitted the request after Idaho State Correctional Institution administrators prepared myself and other residents to dawn wearable tracking devices by November 2024.

I forget the exact month that a crew of civilian workers showed up at our facility. I do, however, remember them installing what look like cheap satellite-shaped receivers and solar-panel power stations, some with wires connecting to nothing, all throughout our prison campus and along the perimeter fence. I also remember a corrections officer telling me to move along when I stopped to ask the name of their company.

It wasn’t long after that when the rumors began. Prison workers were purportedly using their cell phones to scan the sticker barcodes on some of the other equipment installed around the facility. Little plastic white boxes with short black antennas kept coming back as car parts. Other metallic boxes of unknown purpose mounted to walls were registering as paper towels and toilet paper.

When all visible progress of the installation had been halted for months, prison administrators told residents during a Town Hall meeting that the company, headquartered in Florida, was taking time away from Idaho to deal with damage caused by hurricanes.

More months passed without any progress, and in February I submitted another public records request to the IDOC:

“Hello. Back in July, I was denied my public records request for the agreement between the IDOC and the company contracted to equip residents of the Idaho State Correctional Institution with wearable monitoring devices. This request (R021592-072924) was denied on the grounds that it contained security procedures and site security records, which are exempt per Idaho Code. How about just providing me the name of the company contracted and the total cost to install and operate these services by year?”

The department again refused to provide any information.

Now approaching May, one corrections officer tells me that the implementation has been delayed while the IDOC and its contractor work out kinks between their operating systems. “I’m told that we’ve got people here talking to people overseas,” he says, “and nobody can figure out what the hell the problem is.”

Other prison staff, however, are quietly spreading the rumor that the IDOC was scammed for $1.8M by a company based in Nigeria. And not only was the department scammed, goes the chatter, but the company’s installation team waited until the weekend to pack up everything–including two golf carts belonging to the prison–before riding off into the sunset.

Do you or someone you know have the juice to get to the truth? The IDOC transparency team can be contacted with questions regarding contracts, proposals and other department records at 208-658-2000.